Home Defence And Security Why ‘Prahaar’ Marks A Turning Point In India’s Counter-Terror Framework

Why ‘Prahaar’ Marks A Turning Point In India’s Counter-Terror Framework

Prahaar: India’s First Formal Counter-Terror Doctrine Explained
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India’s newly articulated counter-terrorism policy, Prahaar, marks a significant shift in how India formally defines and structures its response to terrorism. According to Special DG (retired) Atulchandra Kulkarni, this is the first time India has clearly codified its counter-terror approach into a structured national doctrine

Prahaar, an acronym built around seven pillars, is designed to formalise what has long been an evolving practice. “Counter-terrorism is a ‘work in progress’ for any continent-sized country like India,” Mr Kulkarni explains in StratNews Global’s program The Gist. He also says that it is equally important that we spell out policy contours, both domestically and internationally.

The seven pillars include prevention, protection, response, capacity aggregation, adherence to human rights and the rule of law, attenuation of conditions conducive to terrorism, alignment with international efforts, and recovery and resilience.

At its core, the policy reinforces an intelligence-driven doctrine. Institutions like the Multi-Agency Centre (MAC) and Joint Task Force on Intelligence facilitate real-time information sharing, strengthening prevention capabilities.

When it comes to response, the National Security Guard (NSG), state forces, and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) operate in co-ordinated frameworks. “NIA has a very high prosecution rate. We have a conviction rate of almost 96%,” says Mr Kulkarni. “96% of the cases have led to conviction. And, that’s a excellent score by any international standard.”

PRAHAAR also foregrounds human rights and due process, emphasising lawful enforcement under statutes such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The policy recognises evolving threats: state-sponsored terrorism from across borders, convergence between terror groups and organized crime, sleeper cells, drone-based infiltration, online radicalisation, cryptocurrency financing, and encrypted communication channels. Mr Kulkarni gave an example from Punjab. “In one particular year, we saw almost 100, drone drops of weapons, of drugs, of money and what whatnot. So, this is being brought from across the border using drones. So technology is being used in Kashmir. We have seen an attack on the airport by drone-dropping.”
When it comes to capacity-building, measures include modernisation of tools, training, and the creation of a National Terrorism Database accessible to states. Atulchandra Kulkarni has seen how states use this national database to input new data and access information for their own investigations.

A notable component is de-radicalisation. Drawing from international models, states like Maharashtra have piloted counter-narrative and community engagement programs, leveraging employment schemes to reintegrate vulnerable youth.

International cooperation forms another pillar. Through mutual legal assistance treaties, extraditions, and global intelligence partnerships, India has secured the return of wanted terror suspects and strengthened cross-border investigations. “We were able to get over a dozen wanted persons from abroad in ’23 alone.”

Ultimately, Prahaar is not merely operational, it is declaratory. By formally recognising state-sponsored terrorism and emerging technological threats, India signals both resolve and strategic clarity. As Mr Kulkarni notes, in a nation of India’s scale and complexity, putting policy on record is itself a strategic act.