Mother Mushroom is the pen name of a Vietnamese blogger and dissident Nguyen Ngoc Quynh, who was jailed by the authorities for her activism. Later released and given asylum in the US, she continues her activism and in a recent article in Asia Times, documented how authoritarian governments have used the digital revolution to repress and stifle opposition.
She calls this “digital authoritarianism”, something she writes, China was perhaps among the first to grasp and implement. Stanford University research has documented how deeply the Chinese state has embedded itself into social media spaces. Case in point, Douyin, China’s version of TikTok, has more than 18,000 government-affiliated accounts producing over five million videos annually.
And the Chinese government has opted for a “decentralised model”, where thousands of local officials, police departments, state media workers and propaganda units work as a content creator for social media platforms. In fact, videos first created by local authorities are “recycled” because they attract more public engagement and feel more authentic.
Nationalist messaging, patriotic influencers and heavily amplified state narratives can be seen dominating many Chinese digital platforms. Sensitive stories are not always erased immediately, they are simply overpowered by louder, state-backed content.
Vietnam is on a similar path but it has not blocked any social media platform. Rather recent reports suggest it is recruiting influencers, artificial intelligence specialists and digital content creators to push “positive” messaging online while countering criticism of the state.
Security institutions are playing a growing role in cyberspace governance. One of the clearest examples is “Force 47,” a military-linked cyber unit reportedly involving thousands of participants tasked with monitoring and shaping online conversations.
Vietnam’s approach differs from China’s in form, but the underlying objective appears similar: dominate the information environment without always resorting to visible censorship.
Rather than relying solely on state television or official statements, the online platforms are flooded with emotionally engaging content designed to shape public mood. The focus is on younger audiences whose ideas and perceptions are shaped by algorithms of short videos, viral trends and influencers.
Critics argue that such systems blur the line between genuine public sentiment and state-managed narratives. The invisible influence system is engrained deeply into entertainment culture, influencer economies and algorithmic recommendation systems.
And as both China and Vietnam deepen their focus on AI, data monitoring and digital media management, that influence is likely to grow even stronger.
