Is the Bangladesh Army warming up for another coup? Does Army Chief Gen Waker-Uz-Zaman’s order to deploy armoured vehicles in the streets hint at a looming confrontation with Chief Interim Adviser Mohammad Yunus?
Or is there something more internal to the army? A power struggle perhaps between the current chief reportedly keen on maintaining the army’s professional ethos, meaning staying out of politics, and a cabal of generals driven by some pro-Islamic agendas?
For now, the fog persists but it has renewed scrutiny of the Bangladesh Army’s past record, one scarred by many coups spread over 34 years (1975-2009) including the most shameful: the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, founding father of Bangladesh.
StratNews Global spoke to a cross-section of Indian diplomats and former army officers who spent time in Bangladesh or dealt with it in Delhi.
Maj Gen Yash Mor, (Retd) who attended the Bangladesh Army’s Command & Staff College in 2003, made an important point in the current context.
“The average Bangladesh army officer is politically very aware and with good reason,” he said “They come from a tradition where Bengali officers from the Pakistan Army fought in the liberation war, unlike the Indian or Pakistani armies.”
There is sometimes discussion of a “Pakistani ethos” in reference to military traditions inherited from the pre-1971 period, observed another officer.
In reality, while the early institutional legacy of the armed forces was intertwined with structures established during the Pakistani period, the Bangladesh Army has since redefined its identity following the Liberation War.
“Over time, its ethos has been shaped by the twin imperatives of national sovereignty and the experience of fighting for independence. The remnants of old influences have been largely overlaid by a culture that emphasizes loyalty to the Bangladeshi state and its secular (or at least nonsectarian) founding ideals,” the officer said.
Isolated acts of insubordination or challenges to specific orders can still occur, as evidenced by incidents like the unauthorized meeting organized by Gen Faizur Rahman, the Quarter Master General. But these are generally nipped in the bud.
These do not necessarily signal an organized effort to overthrow the established command structure, says a former diplomat. The risks of a coup are compounded by legal accountability, and the professional risks involved for senior officers.
Bangladesh Army officers have seen coups and mutinies, political influence at play during promotions to higher ranks and while some have been radicalized, the majority appear to have steered clear of extremism.
“The Bangladesh Army from my experience, is not an Islamic army although there maybe Islamic fervor among individual officers,” the former diplomat noted.
In his view, while the majority of its personnel are Muslim, and Islamic values naturally play a role in the cultural milieu of Bangladesh, the institutional character of the army remains focused on professional and national objectives rather than on religious ideology.
There have been occasional debates about the role of Islam in state institutions, he acknowledged, but the armed forces have generally maintained a pragmatic, security-oriented posture rather than a religious one.
“Even so it continues to be an influential institution, though its direct involvement in day‐to‐day politics has been constrained since the return to civilian rule decades ago. The army’s influence is often exercised behind the scenes, particularly through its role in national security and institutional stability.”
Another noted that despite formal restraints, its legacy (dating back to periods of military intervention in politics) means that its opinions and actions still carry weight in critical moments.
In his view, the “removal of Sheikh Hasina and its (Bangladesh army) role in her extrication underlines contrasting aspects of its present influence, it’s limitations as well.”
Sheikh Hasina’s long tenure saw her exercise an iron grip over the political and security establishment. After her departure, the million-dollar question is whether the overall chain of command in the armed forces will remain intact?
A different political leadership could either choose to further professionalize the military or, conversely, try to assert more direct influence over it. However, any immediate change in the army’s internal posture is likely to be gradual rather than abrupt.
There are some officers who espouse Islamic views and seek closer ties with Pakistan. In fact, some believe Islamic elements have made inroads although Gen Mor’s own experience so many years ago, was to the contrary.
In the contemporary context of Bangladesh’s military, a full-scale coup is considered unlikely. The institutional reforms over the past decades, along with the strong civilian oversight that has been re-established, make such an outcome remote.
How does the Bangladesh Army see India?
Primarily as a crucial neighbor and strategic partner, though the relationship is complex, the diplomat said. On one hand, there is extensive cooperation in security, intelligence, and disaster management. On the other, historical experiences—including contentious border issues and the legacy of the 1971 Liberation War—ensure that issues of national sovereignty and mutual respect remain salient.
Overall, the prevailing approach is pragmatic: maintaining a stable and cooperative relationship while ensuring that Bangladesh’s own strategic interests are safeguarded.
