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Pakistan: The Mullah General’s Coup In Constitutional Robe

Pakistan may call it constitutional reform but the world and history will remember it as the day Pakistan finally buried Jinnah’s promise and lit its democracy’s pyre with the Constitution itself
Pakistan 27th amendment Asim Munir

The passage of Pakistan’s 27th Constitutional Amendment is not reform, it is the death knell of Pakistan’s democracy. Dressed up as institutional modernisation, it represents the most sweeping centralisation of power in Pakistan’s history. General Asim Munir has managed what his predecessors only attempted: to stage a coup without tanks, impose martial law without uniforms and sanctify dictatorship through scripture.

The Coup That Wore A Constitution

In one stroke, the amendment creates a new Federal Constitutional Court to adjudicate constitutional matters, wresting this authority from the Supreme Court. Its composition ensures loyalty to the executive, which in Pakistan’s grammar means the military. Judicial independence, already battered, has now been surgically excised.

Simultaneously, the creation of a Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) above the Army, Navy, and Air Force formalises Pakistan’s military hierarchy into a vertical command dominated by a single figure. This CDF, empowered under Article 243 and linked to nuclear command authority, turns General Asim Munir into a constitutional monarch in uniform. The amendment even provides for lifetime immunity to senior military and state figures, a clause that codifies impunity as a principle of governance. This is not a constitutional amendment; it is an institutional coup executed with legislative consent.

Lighting The Pyre Of A Pretend Republic

Pakistan’s political class, fractured, compromised and historically subservient, acted as the chorus in its own requiem. The Senate’s token resistance and the opposition’s dramatic walkouts were the dying rituals of a system that has long been hollow.

The 27th Amendment does not destroy democracy in Pakistan; it merely admits that democracy never existed. The fiction of civilian supremacy, sustained since Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamisation and Pervez Musharraf’s “enlightened moderation”, now stands shredded. Munir’s move has replaced the façade of a hybrid regime with the blunt reality of a uniformed theocracy.

This is Pakistan’s “Zia 2.0” moment, but far more insidious. Zia seized power by the gun; Munir does so by constitutional pen. Zia invoked Islam to legitimise martial law; Munir fuses Islam with the state’s permanent security doctrine. What emerges is a militarised clerical order, a khaki theocracy cloaked in constitutionalism.

The Mosque And The Barracks Merge

General Asim Munir has perfected the fusion of faith and force. His rhetoric routinely invokes Quranic guidance and the Two-Nation Theory to justify political control. In doing so, he offers Pakistan’s conservative clergy both recognition and relevance, while anchoring the army’s dominance in divine sanction.

This new ideology, the Khaki-Kalma Compact, replaces the old military’s transactional nationalism with a moral absolutism. Opposition becomes apostasy; dissent, a sin. The state no longer merely controls the people—it instructs them in piety.

The so-called “Mullah General” has realised what every Pakistani autocrat dreamed of: the barracks and the mosque now speak with one voice.

Strategic Consequences For India

For India, this constitutional coup changes the equation in fundamental ways.

  1. Pakistan’s civil-military balance has now been constitutionally erased. Islamabad is no longer relevant; power has been formalised in Rawalpindi. Indian policymakers must therefore abandon the fiction of engaging “civilian governments.” From diplomacy to deterrence, Pakistan’s interlocutor is now openly the military.
  2. Munir’s invocation of religious nationalism will intensify ideological hostility toward India. When legitimacy rests on Islamic revivalism, confrontation with the “Hindu India” of nationalist caricature becomes a political necessity. Expect a sharper tone on Kashmir, renewed efforts to internationalise the issue, and an uptick in proxy activity to feed domestic zeal.
  3. This consolidation may bring temporary internal order but will deepen Pakistan’s economic and diplomatic isolation. A militarised theocracy cannot attract investment or sustain credibility with Western creditors. India must therefore prepare for a paradoxical neighbour, strategically brittle yet perpetually belligerent.
  4. The restructuring of Pakistan’s military command under a single CDF raises nuclear stability concerns. Concentration of command authority under an overtly ideological general heightens global anxiety. For India, it underscores the need for unblinking vigilance and calibrated deterrence, firm without provocation, precise without panic.

The Illusion Of Order

Pakistan’s 27th Amendment is the culmination of a 70-year experiment in controlled democracy. It legalises what has always been true: the state is owned by its army and administered by its elite. The judiciary, parliament and provinces now orbit around the same gravitational centre, Rawalpindi GHQ.

For General Munir, it is a triumph. For Pakistan, it is the quiet death of Jinnah’s vision, a republic that aspired to modern nationhood but ended as a militarised pulpit.

Pakistan may call it constitutional reform. But the world and history will remember it as the day Pakistan finally buried Jinnah’s promise and lit its democracy’s pyre with the Constitution itself.

(The author is a geopolitical analyst and strategic advisor who writes on South Asia, multipolarity and civilisational statecraft. Views expressed in this article are personal.)

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