A bipartisan U.S. congressional panel is calling for a major expansion of Mandarin and other China-related language immersion programmes, arguing that linguistic expertise is becoming a national security imperative even as Washington moves to curb Beijing’s influence in American education.
As reported by South China Morning Post, in its latest annual report, the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) urged Congress to support immersion-based training in Mandarin, Tibetan and Uyghur across U.S. high schools and universities. The recommendation comes amid tightening restrictions on partnerships with Chinese government-linked entities and reduced federal funding for cultural exchange programmes under President Donald Trump’s second administration.
At first glance, the message appears mixed. In reality, it points to a crucial truth: understanding China requires language skills precisely in times of rivalry. Without deep linguistic and cultural knowledge, the U.S. risks misreading Beijing’s intentions, overlooking human rights abuses, and weakening its ability to counter covert influence efforts.
As a Professor of China Studies at O.P. Jindal Global University, Dr. Sriparna Pathak points out, “Mandarin Chinese language enrollments in U.S. higher education have been declining since peaking around 2013–2016.” University-level programmes have been hit by the closure of Confucius Institutes, tighter visa policies, and growing unease among students about China-focused careers amid deteriorating bilateral relations.
At the same time, Mandarin learning has not disappeared — it has shifted. “In K–12 schools, Mandarin immersion programs have grown steadily,” Dr. Pathak notes, with nearly 400 such programmes operating across the U.S. by early 2025. Beyond classrooms, informal and self-directed learning is rising sharply. She points to a surge in casual Mandarin study in 2025, driven in part by so-called ‘TikTok refugees’ — American users migrating to Chinese social media platforms amid uncertainty over TikTok’s future in the U.S. Reflecting this trend, Duolingo reported a 216% increase in U.S. users starting Mandarin in early 2025.
Schools, meanwhile, have adapted by building independent programmes that avoid direct links to Beijing. They increasingly rely on domestic teachers, heritage speakers, and partnerships outside mainland China. According to Dr. Pathak, U.S. schools can “grow Mandarin programs while cutting ties with China-linked institutions,” and many already have. Taiwan-based partnerships, in particular, offer politically neutral, high-quality instruction without censorship concerns.
By framing language learning as a tool to counter “malign” influence operations and better understand conditions inside China, the CECC is attempting to recast immersion programmes as part of a broader resilience strategy. As Dr. Pathak sums up, “Decoupling from PRC-linked institutions has not halted Mandarin program development; instead, it has shifted toward independent, secure models aligned with U.S. interests.”
The commission’s call to expand Tibetan and Uyghur learning is more aspirational. Ms. Pathak notes that both languages remain “highly niche,” offered at only a handful of universities, with no evidence of broad growth. Interest exists, particularly around human rights concerns, but sustained investment will be needed to turn symbolism into substance.
As Washington hardens its China policy, the challenge will be to ensure that caution does not slide into intellectual retreat. Language skills are not a concession to Beijing but a strategic asset for U.S.
